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名人演讲:打破沉寂

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名人演讲:打破沉寂
时间:2023-08-07 14:54:32     小编:

我们都知道,马丁·路德·金是美国的民权运动领袖,他为黑人谋求平等,甚至献出了自己的生命,被誉为是“黑人的麦加”。而与此同时,马丁·路德·金也是一名卓越的反战斗士,他关心的不仅仅是“小我”的权利,而且还有“大我”的和平、自由。如果你一直以来只是把马丁·路德·金看成一个黑人运动领袖,那么下面的这篇演讲相信会让你对他有新的认识——马 ぢ返隆そ鸬奈按笕烁裰档梦颐敲恳桓鲅鍪幼鹁础?br>

本演讲发表于1967年4月4日,是马丁·路德·金在“忧世教士和俗人协会”的一个反越站的集会上的演讲,集会的地点是纽约著名的河边大教堂(riverside church)。

我之所以跨入此间宏伟的教堂,是因为我的良心让我别无选择。我加入你们的集会,则是因为我对这个聚合我们的组织——“忧世教士和俗人协会”关注越南——的工作和主旨非常认同。我对你们执委会最近的声明深有同感,当我阅读到它的开场白的时候就甚有共鸣:“这是一个‘沉默即是背叛’的时刻。”

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal."

演讲全文:a time to break silence by martin luther king, jr.

i come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. i join you in this meeting because i am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: clergy and laymen concerned about vietnam. the recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and i found myself in full accord when i read its opening lines: "a time comes when silence is betrayal." and that time has come for us in relation to vietnam.

the truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on.

and some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. we must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. and we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. if it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

over the past two years, as i have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as i have called for radical departures from the destruction of vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. at the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "why are you speaking about the war, dr. king?" "why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? and when i hear them, though i often understand the source of their concern, i am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live.

in the light of such tragic misunderstanding, i deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and i trust concisely, why i believe that the path from dexter avenue baptist church -- the church in montgomery, alabama, where i began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

i come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. this speech is not addressed to hanoi or to the national liberation front. it is not addressed to china or to russia. nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of vietnam. neither is it an attempt to make north vietnam or the national liberation front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. while they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the united states, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides.

tonight, however, i wish not to speak with hanoi and the national liberation front, but rather to my fellowed [sic] americans, *who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents.

since i am a preacher by trade, i suppose it is not surprising that i have seven major reasons for bringing vietnam into the field of my moral vision.* there is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in vietnam and the struggle i, and others, have been waging in america. a few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. it seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. there were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. then came the buildup in vietnam, and i watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and i knew that america would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. so, i was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. it was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. we were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in southeast asia which they had not found in southwest georgia and east harlem. and so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching negro and white boys on tv screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. and so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in chicago. i could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

my third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the north over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. as i have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, i have told them that molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. i have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. but they ask -- and rightly so -- what about vietnam? they ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. their questions hit home, and i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. for the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.

for those who ask the question, "aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, i have this further answer. in 1957 when a group of us formed the southern christian leadership conference, we chose as our motto: "to save the soul of america." we were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that america would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. in a way we were agreeing with langston hughes, that black bard of harlem, who had written earlier:

o, yes,

i say it plain,

america never was america to me,

and yet i swear this oath --

america will be!

now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of america today can ignore the present war. if america's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: vietnam. it can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. so it is that those of us who are yet determined that america will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

as if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of america were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954** [sic]; and i cannot forget that the nobel prize for peace was also a commission -- a commission to work harder than i had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." this is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present i would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of jesus christ. to me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that i sometimes marvel at those who ask me why i'm speaking against the war. could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men -- for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? what then can i say to the vietcong or to castro or to mao as a faithful minister of this one? can i threaten them with death or must i not share with them my life?

and finally, as i try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from montgomery to this place i would have offered all that was most valid if i simply said that i must be true to my conviction that i share with all men the calling to be a son of the living god. beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because i believe that the father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, i come tonight to speak for them.

this i believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. we are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

and as i ponder the madness of vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. i speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the liberation front, not of the junta in saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. i think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

they must see americans as strange liberators. the vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence *in 1954* -- in 1945 *rather* -- after a combined french and japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in china. they were led by ho chi minh. even though they quoted the american declaration of independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. instead, we decided to support france in its reconquest of her former colony. our government felt then that the vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. with that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by china -- for whom the vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. for the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

for nine years following 1945 we denied the people of vietnam the right of independence. for nine years we vigorously supported the french in their abortive effort to recolonize vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the french war costs. even before the french were defeated at dien bien phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. we encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

after the french were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the geneva agreement. but instead there came the united states, determined that ho should not unify the temporarily spanided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, premier diem. the peasants watched and cringed as diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the north. the peasants watched as all this was presided over by united states' influence and then by increasing numbers of united states troops who came to help quell the insurgency that diem's methods had aroused. when diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

the only change came from america, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. all the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow vietnamese, the real enemy. they move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. they know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

so they go, primarily women and children and the aged. they watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. they must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. they wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from american firepower for one vietcong-inflicted injury. so far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. they wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. they see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. they see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

what do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? what do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of europe? where are the roots of the independent vietnam we claim to be building? is it among these voiceless ones?

we have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. we have destroyed their land and their crops. we have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified buddhist church. we have supported the enemies of the peasants of saigon. we have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." the peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new vietnam on such grounds as these. could we blame them for such thoughts? we must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. these, too, are our brothers.

perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies.* what of the national liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "vc" or "communists"? what must they think of the united states of america when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the south? what do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? how can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the north" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? how can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

how do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? what must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? they ask how we can speak of free elections when the saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. and they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. they question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. their questions are frighteningly relevant. is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence?

here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. for from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

so, too, with hanoi. in the north, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. to speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in western words, and especially their distrust of american intentions now. in hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the japanese and the french, the men who sought membership in the french commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. it was they who led a second struggle against french domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at geneva. after 1954 they watched us conspire with diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought ho chi minh to power over a united vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. when we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered.

also, it must be clear that the leaders of hanoi considered the presence of american troops in support of the diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the geneva agreement concerning foreign troops. they remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the south until american forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier north vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. ho chi minh has watched as america has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of american plans for an invasion of the north. he knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores.

at this point i should make it clear that while i have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," i am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. for it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. we are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

somehow this madness must cease. we must stop now. i speak as a child of god and brother to the suffering poor of vietnam. i speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. i speak for the poor of america who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in vietnam. i speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. i speak as one who loves america, to the leaders of our own nation: the great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

this is the message of the great buddhist leaders of vietnam. recently one of them wrote these words, and i quote:

each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. the americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. it is curious that the americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. the image of america will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism (unquote).

if we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in vietnam. if we do not stop our war against the people of vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. the world now demands a maturity of america that we may not be able to achieve. it demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the vietnamese people. the situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. in order to atone for our sins and errors in vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

*i would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

number one: end all bombing in north and south vietnam.

number two: declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

three: take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in southeast asia by curtailing our military buildup in thailand and our interference in laos.

four: realistically accept the fact that the national liberation front has substantial support in south vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future vietnam government.

five: *set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from vietnam in accordance with the 1954 geneva agreement.

part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the liberation front. then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. we must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. we must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in vietnam. we must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

*as we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. i am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, morehouse college, and i recommend it to all who find the american course in vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. moreover, i would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* these are the times for real choices and not false ones. we are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in vietnam. i say we must enter that struggle, but i wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

the war in vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the american spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. they will be concerned about guatemala and peru. they will be concerned about thailand and cambodia. they will be concerned about mozambique and south africa. we will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in american life and policy.

and so, such thoughts take us beyond vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living god.

in 1957, a sensitive american official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. during the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of u.s. military advisors in venezuela. this need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of american forces in guatemala. it tells why american helicopters are being used against guerrillas in cambodia and why american napalm and green beret forces have already been active against rebels in peru.

it is with such activity in mind that the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, "those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. we must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

a true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. on the one hand, we are called to play the good samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. one day we must come to see that the whole jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. true compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.

a true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. with righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see inspanidual capitalists of the west investing huge sums of money in asia, africa, and south america, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "this is not just." it will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of south america and say, "this is not just." the western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

a true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "this way of settling differences is not just." this business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. a nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

america, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. there is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. there is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

*this kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. war is not the answer. communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the united states to relinquish its participation in the united nations.* these are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *we must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. we must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.*

these are revolutionary times. all over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. the shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. the people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. we in the west must support these revolutions.

it is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. this has driven many to feel that only marxism has a revolutionary spirit. therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. with this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."

a genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their inspanidual societies.

this call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. this oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. when i speak of love i am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. i am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. i am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. this hindu-muslim-christian-jewish-buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of saint john: "let us love one another, for love is god. and every one that loveth is born of god and knoweth god. he that loveth not knoweth not god, for god is love." "if we love one another, god dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.

we can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. the oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. and history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and inspaniduals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. as arnold toynbee says: "love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote).

we are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. we are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. in this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. procrastination is still the thief of time. life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. the tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs. we may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "too late." there is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. omar khayyam is right: "the moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."

we still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. we must move past indecision to action. we must find new ways to speak for peace in vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. if we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

now let us begin. now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. this is the calling of the sons of god, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. shall we say the odds are too great? shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? will our message be that the forces of american life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? the choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

as that noble bard of yesterday, james russell lowell, eloquently stated:

once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide,

in the strife of truth and falsehood, for the good or evil side;

some great cause, god's new messiah offering each the bloom or blight,

and the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.

though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong

though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong

yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown

standeth god within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.

and if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace.

if we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.

if we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over america and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

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林肯的讲话是极简短、极朴素的。这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家大瞧不起。葛底斯堡战役后,决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖,他们以为他是不会来的,但林肯答应了。既然总统来,.........
名人演讲:Shall We Choose Death?
发布时间:2023-03-26
SHALL WE CHOOSE DEATH?Bertrand RussellDecember 30, 1954I am speaking not as a Briton, not as a European, not as a member of a western democracy, but as a human being, .........
打破职场聊天尴尬6步走
发布时间:2022-12-26
想打破社交聊天中的尴尬局面?如果你不擅长这些,那么,你需要一些巧妙的社交方法。以下6个步骤,助你打破社交僵局,并缓解你的不适感。下面是小编整理的打破职场聊天尴尬6步走,欢迎阅读。 每次当我转身的时候.........
打动人心的演讲稿(5篇)
发布时间:2023-07-15
演讲,首先要了解听众,注意听众的组成,了解他们的性格、年龄、受教育程度、出生地,分析他们的观点、态度、希望和要求。掌握这些以后,就可以决定采取什么方式来吸引听众......
打破规则的作文(优秀3篇)
发布时间:2023-07-26
在日常学习、工作或生活中,大家总少不了接触作文或者范文吧,通过文章可以把我们那些零零散散的思想,聚集在一块。范文书写有哪些要求呢?我们怎样才能写好一篇范文呢?以......
最新沉迷网络演讲稿(7篇)
发布时间:2023-06-05
演讲稿具有观点鲜明,内容具有鼓动性的特点。在社会发展不断提速的今天,需要使用演讲稿的事情愈发增多。那么我们写演讲稿要注意的内容有什么呢?那么下面我就给大家讲一讲......
浅谈演讲的入题、破题、点题公众演讲
发布时间:2022-08-01
我们选定一个演讲题目之后,首先应当考虑的,便是这个题目如何进行结构?如何尽快将自己对题目的兴趣引发出听众同样的兴趣?如何以自己对题目的感觉.........
打不输的中交人演讲稿
发布时间:2022-12-23
"天苍苍野茫茫,风吹草低见牛羊",四月中交市政一群朝气蓬勃的年轻人进了科尔沁大草原,开启了筑路新征程。曾经《射雕英雄传》中描绘的人间天堂-清清的湖水,绿绿的草原,奔驰的骏马,洁白的羊群由于近现代人的过度开垦已变的满目荒凉,漫天风沙。60年前数万青年响应党和国家的号召,怀着保卫边疆、建设边疆的豪情壮志来到"北大荒".他们爬冰卧雪,排干沼泽,开垦荒原。他们用青春和热血造就了北大荒精神,什么是北大荒精神.........
最新伤感寂寞的签名短句(15篇)
发布时间:2023-03-28
在日常学习、工作或生活中,大家总少不了接触作文或者范文吧,通过文章可以把我们那些零零散散的思想,聚集在一块。那么我们该如何写一篇较为完美的范文呢?接下来小编就给......
最新孤独寂寞的个性签名(15篇)
发布时间:2023-04-06
人的记忆力会随着岁月的流逝而衰退,写作可以弥补记忆的不足,将曾经的人生经历和感悟记录下来,也便于保存一份美好的回忆。大家想知道怎么样才能写一篇比较优质的范文吗?......
最新名人经典的演讲稿800字 名人经典演讲稿短大全
发布时间:2023-05-15
使用正确的写作思路书写演讲稿会更加事半功倍。在日常生活和工作中,能够利用到演讲稿的场合越来越多。演讲稿对于我们是非常有帮助的,可是应该怎么写演讲稿呢?以下是我帮......
最新伤感寂寞的签名女生(15篇)
发布时间:2023-04-27
在日常的学习、工作、生活中,肯定对各类范文都很熟悉吧。范文怎么写才能发挥它最大的作用呢?下面是小编帮大家整理的优质范文,仅供参考,大家一起来看看吧。伤感寂寞的签......
如何打破交际的僵峙局面
发布时间:2011-12-28
人际交往中有一种“僵峙”现象,具体表现出以下四个类型:1.惟我独尊型有的人把自己看作社交的中心,在交际中态度生硬,以我为轴,希望对方就范,依从于己,不轻做姿态,做出友好的表示,遂出现双方互不交往、冷.........
找准演讲的三个突破口,使演讲更成功
发布时间:2023-01-19
这里的“角度”,是指演讲的立足点,着眼点和出发点,是关系到确立主题、选择材料和选用表达方法等诸方面,它是成功演讲的有效“突破口”。 一、主旨的方位定向要从提示事物本质出发 演讲者就古物本质.........
2023年打破质与量的统一精选
发布时间:2023-06-06
人的记忆力会随着岁月的流逝而衰退,写作可以弥补记忆的不足,将曾经的人生经历和感悟记录下来,也便于保存一份美好的回忆。大家想知道怎么样才能写一篇比较优质的范文吗?......
面试技巧:如何打破面试僵局?
发布时间:2013-02-19
有过求职经历的人都知道,求职面试时,经常会碰到一些很难回答的问题,交谈因此陷入僵局,气氛也变得十分尴尬。遇到这种情况该怎么办?该如何打破面试僵局?怎样应对面试官司呢? 首先,不要轻言放弃。.........
名人演讲:国会珍珠港演说
发布时间:2022-09-22
美国第32任总统富兰克林·D·罗斯福(Franklin D. Roosevelt )(1933—1945),一直被视为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一,是20世纪美国最孚众望和受爱戴的总统,也是美国历史上惟一连任4届总统的人,从1933年3月起.........
最新沉默的演讲稿600字(6篇)
发布时间:2023-03-02
演讲,首先要了解听众,注意听众的组成,了解他们的性格、年龄、受教育程度、出生地,分析他们的观点、态度、希望和要求。掌握这些以后,就可以决定采取什么方式来吸引听众......
沉迷网络游戏的演讲稿(八篇)
发布时间:2023-06-10
演讲稿要求内容充实,条理清楚,重点突出。在社会发展不断提速的今天,演讲稿在我们的视野里出现的频率越来越高。优质的演讲稿该怎么样去写呢?下面我给大家整理了一些演讲......
浅谈演讲的入题、破题、点题
发布时间:2022-10-14
我们选定一个演讲题目之后,首先应当考虑的,便是这个题目如何进行结构?如何尽快将自己对题目的兴趣引发出听众同样的兴趣?如何以自己对题目的感觉和热情去点燃听众内心的感觉与热情之火?如何以自己对题目的精.........
最新勇于突破演讲稿(8篇)
发布时间:2023-01-01
演讲稿要求内容充实,条理清楚,重点突出。在社会发展不断提速的今天,演讲稿在我们的视野里出现的频率越来越高。那么你知道演讲稿如何写吗?下面我帮大家找寻并整理了一些......
名人励志演讲稿300字 名人励志演讲稿1000字(精选十二篇)
发布时间:2023-04-08
演讲稿是一种实用性比较强的文稿,是为演讲准备的书面材料。在现在的社会生活中,用到演讲稿的地方越来越多。那么演讲稿怎么写才恰当呢?下面小编给大家带来关于学习演讲稿......
人类破坏地球的资料及演讲稿精彩语句 人类破坏地球的文字资料精选
发布时间:2023-04-26
演讲稿是演讲者根据几条原则性的提纲进行演讲,比较灵活,便于临场发挥,真实感强,又具有照读式演讲和背诵式演讲的长处。那么我们写演讲稿要注意的内容有什么呢?下面是小......
青少年沉迷网络演讲稿(5篇)
发布时间:2023-06-24
演讲稿具有观点鲜明,内容具有鼓动性的特点。在社会发展不断提速的今天,需要使用演讲稿的事情愈发增多。优质的演讲稿该怎么样去写呢?下面是小编为大家整理的演讲稿,欢迎......
中国名人演讲稿(八篇)
发布时间:2023-05-26
演讲稿首先必须开头要开门见山,既要一下子抓住听众又要提出你的观点,中间要用各种方法和所准备的材料说明、支持你的论点,感染听众,然后在结尾加强说明论点或得出结论,......
名人的演讲稿(十六篇)
发布时间:2023-03-02
演讲,首先要了解听众,注意听众的组成,了解他们的性格、年龄、受教育程度、出生地,分析他们的观点、态度、希望和要求。掌握这些以后,就可以决定采取什么方式来吸引听众......
2022年名人演讲稿(6篇)
发布时间:2023-03-11
演讲稿也叫演讲词,是指在群众集会上或会议上发表讲话的文稿。演讲稿是进行宣传经常使用的一种文体。演讲的作用是表达个人的主张与见解,介绍一些学习、工作中的情况、经验......
中国名人演讲稿(5篇)
发布时间:2023-07-27
演讲稿要求内容充实,条理清楚,重点突出。在社会发展不断提速的今天,演讲稿在我们的视野里出现的频率越来越高。好的演讲稿对于我们的帮助很大,所以我们要好好写一篇演讲......
形容深沉父爱句子 表现父爱深沉的名句(二十六篇)
发布时间:2023-05-20
范文为教学中作为模范的文章,也常常用来指写作的模板。常常用于文秘写作的参考,也可以作为演讲材料编写前的参考。大家想知道怎么样才能写一篇比较优质的范文吗?这里我整......
2023年一个人寂寞短语 一个人的寂寞的说说(三篇)
发布时间:2023-02-17
在日常学习、工作或生活中,大家总少不了接触作文或者范文吧,通过文章可以把我们那些零零散散的思想,聚集在一块。相信许多人会觉得范文很难写?以下是我为大家搜集的优质......
沉迷网络演讲稿 网络演讲稿500字汇总(八篇)
发布时间:2023-05-23
演讲稿是一种实用性比较强的文稿,是为演讲准备的书面材料。在现在的社会生活中,用到演讲稿的地方越来越多。那么我们写演讲稿要注意的内容有什么呢?下面小编给大家带来关......
浅谈演讲的入题、破题、点题
发布时间:2023-03-27
演讲题目之后,首先应当考虑的,便是这个题目如何进行结构?如何尽快将自己对题目的兴趣引发出听众同样的兴趣?如何以自己对题目的感觉和热情去点燃听众内心的感觉与热情之火?如何以自己对题目的精深理解去启迪.........
2022年突破演讲稿结尾(八篇)
发布时间:2023-04-21
演讲稿也叫演讲词,是指在群众集会上或会议上发表讲话的文稿。演讲稿是进行宣传经常使用的一种文体。演讲的作用是表达个人的主张与见解,介绍一些学习、工作中的情况、经验......
最新打破传统生活的作文实用
发布时间:2023-06-22
无论是身处学校还是步入社会,大家都尝试过写作吧,借助写作也可以提高我们的语言组织能力。范文书写有哪些要求呢?我们怎样才能写好一篇范文呢?这里我整理了一些优秀的范......
名人励志故事演讲稿200字 名人励志故事演讲稿500字(十三篇)
发布时间:2023-02-09
演讲稿是进行演讲的依据,是对演讲内容和形式的规范和提示,它体现着演讲的目的和手段。好的演讲稿对于我们的帮助很大,所以我们要好好写一篇演讲稿下面我给大家整理了一些......
2023年沉默不是金的演讲稿(14篇)
发布时间:2023-07-11
演讲稿要求内容充实,条理清楚,重点突出。在社会发展不断提速的今天,演讲稿在我们的视野里出现的频率越来越高。那么演讲稿该怎么写?想必这让大家都很苦恼吧。下面是小编......
名人英语演讲稿1分钟 名人英语演讲稿一分钟大全(十三篇)
发布时间:2023-07-16
演讲稿要求内容充实,条理清楚,重点突出。在社会发展不断提速的今天,演讲稿在我们的视野里出现的频率越来越高。那么演讲稿怎么写才恰当呢?下面小编给大家带来关于学习演......
打动人心的个性签名(5篇)
发布时间:2023-06-13
人的记忆力会随着岁月的流逝而衰退,写作可以弥补记忆的不足,将曾经的人生经历和感悟记录下来,也便于保存一份美好的回忆。范文书写有哪些要求呢?我们怎样才能写好一篇范......
名人经典的演讲稿大全
发布时间:2023-05-01
演讲稿具有宣传,鼓动,教育和欣赏等作用,它可以把演讲者的观点,主张与思想感情传达给听众以及读者,使他们信服并在思想感情上产生共鸣。那么你知道演讲稿如何写吗?下面......
“业绩破格,管理创新”主题演讲稿:突破自我 心向太阳
发布时间:2022-11-19
在开始演讲之前,我想问一下在座的领导和战友,咱们金算盘的“司花”是什么?没错,是向日葵!向日葵的外形就是像一个太阳,它始终朝向太阳,象征着积极向上的态度和朝气蓬勃的精神,为了追求心中的理想,不怕苦难,勇往直前。我觉得我们金算盘就像是一朵企业人眼中的向日葵,因为作为财务管理公司的我们,是中小民营企业不能或缺的一部分。首先我想说下,当初我为什么会选择留在金算盘?从小就时常听到家里人说到我们的王海英老师.........
寂寞的一天日记 一个寂寞女人的日记(三篇)
发布时间:2023-07-20
在日常学习、工作或生活中,大家总少不了接触作文或者范文吧,通过文章可以把我们那些零零散散的思想,聚集在一块。大家想知道怎么样才能写一篇比较优质的范文吗?以下是我......
《打破神像拾起你的金子》读书心得
发布时间:2023-02-22
我看了一个故事,他里面说的是:从前有一个穷人,他供奉了一尊神像。之后,他虔诚地祈求神为他赐福,结果他变得越来越穷了。这个神像终于把他给激怒了,他一气之下抓起那尊神像向墙上摔去。这尊神像的头破了,脑壳里掉出了许许多多的金子来。这人把金子拾起来,大声地骂到说:“我看你既可恶又愚蠢,我尊敬你的时候,你一点好处也不给我;我打烂了你,你却给我这么多好东西。”这个故事让我明白了,在人的生活当中,我们会在无意中.........
做一名真正的税务人演讲稿征文演讲
发布时间:2023-02-25
各位领导,各位朋友: 今天,当我穿着这身海一般湛蓝的税服,头顶着闪闪发光的国徵,站在这讲台上时,我感到异常的激动。一年前,从长春税务学院毕业,穿上这身服装时,每次我都禁不住看它一眼。或许是关.........
2022年关于沉迷游戏的演讲稿(八篇)
发布时间:2023-02-26
演讲稿要求内容充实,条理清楚,重点突出。在社会发展不断提速的今天,演讲稿在我们的视野里出现的频率越来越高。我们想要好好写一篇演讲稿,可是却无从下手吗?以下是我帮......
卷烟市场打假破网工作实践体会
发布时间:2011-12-29
近几年来,全行业对“打假破网”工作的要求越来越高,下达的任务越来越具体,面对这种新形势,要求我们不断提高“打假破网”能力和案件经营水平。笔者现结合江西省**市局在“打假破网”案件经营方面的实践成果,.........
国旗下勇于突破自己演讲稿篇
发布时间:2023-03-25
生活中的阻碍谁不会有?人生不可能一帆风顺,也不可能都是平坦的大道,阻塞是时常遇到的。如果我们不能学会突破,就无法很好地在人生的路上走下去。这里给大家分享一些关于国旗下勇于突破自己演讲稿篇,希望对大家有所帮助。国旗下勇于突破自己演讲稿篇1尊敬的老师,亲爱的同学们:大家好!井底之蛙习惯于对着井壁幽鸣,终究见不了天空的广阔;河泽之神陶醉于自身的川流盈溢,以为天下之美尽在于己,永远领会不了海神若的浩淼难测.........
不随意打扰别人的名言(九篇)
发布时间:2023-07-10
人的记忆力会随着岁月的流逝而衰退,写作可以弥补记忆的不足,将曾经的人生经历和感悟记录下来,也便于保存一份美好的回忆。大家想知道怎么样才能写一篇比较优质的范文吗?......
名人励志故事演讲稿(11篇)
发布时间:2023-01-14
演讲稿具有宣传,鼓动,教育和欣赏等作用,它可以把演讲者的观点,主张与思想感情传达给听众以及读者,使他们信服并在思想感情上产生共鸣。我们想要好好写一篇演讲稿,可是......
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